About Emily Lydgate

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So far Emily Lydgate has created 52 blog entries.

Briefing Paper 60 – CPTPP AND AGRI-FOOD REGULATION: CROSSING THE EU-EXIT RUBICON?

The influence of trade agreements in shaping UK food safety and standards has become almost existential in defining the UK’s post-EU identity. Acceding to the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is far from ideology-free: it symbolises the UK’s desire for regulatory independence from the EU and sets out a new post-Brexit direction. In this Briefing Paper, we look whether CPTPP accession seems likely to lower UK food standards and prevent the UK from agreeing to continued regulatory alignment with the EU. The answer is, not necessarily, if the UK Government communicates clearly and explicitly to CPTPP parties its intent to maintain its current regulatory approach, preferably through the use of so-called side letters. Read Briefing Paper 60: CPTPP AND AGRI-FOOD REGULATION: CROSSING THE EU-EXIT RUBICON?

By , |2024-11-20T13:04:49+00:001 July 2021|Briefing Papers|0 Comments

BP 59 – G7 Leaders should discuss international trade (seriously)

Download Briefing Paper 59 Briefing Paper 59 – June 2021 Ingo Borchert, Michael Gasiorek, Emily Lydgate, L. Alan Winters Key Points Introduction WTO reform: Plurilateral Agreements Trade and Health Digital Trade Trade and Climate Policy Conclusion Editorial Note Key points For the first time, the G7 has an explicit ‘trade track’ as part of its discussions. This opens the door to cooperation and progress in a range of key areas. International trade is increasingly about services, digital products and delivery, domestic regulation, and links to non-trade areas such as health and climate change.  The WTO is struggling to keep up. The UK should use its G7 Presidency to help overcome its slow progress by leading the G7 to create a system to facilitate open plurilateral agreements (OPAs). In addition to discussions on the role that trade can play in addressing the COVID pandemic, G7 leaders should recognise that trade and investment agreements need to make it easier for governments to pursue legitimate health policies with regard to non-communicable diseases in non-discriminatory and minimally trade-distorting ways. The G7 can also advance the possibility of future policy coordination over data regulation by including specific policies and recommendation on digital trade [...]

By , , , |2025-12-12T11:51:55+00:009 June 2021|Comments Off on BP 59 – G7 Leaders should discuss international trade (seriously)

Briefing Paper 59 – G7 LEADERS SHOULD DISCUSS INTERNATIONAL TRADE (SERIOUSLY)

International trade in a digital world is increasingly influenced by domestic regulation and is linked to non-trade areas such as health or climate change.  This makes it difficult for the WTO’s consensus- and trade-focused structure to make swift progress.  This Briefing Paper looks at how the G7 leadership across all four Trade Tracks could provide the necessary impetus for multilateral or open plurilateral solutions, in order to avert further fragmentation of the trading system. Read Briefing Paper 59: G7 LEADERS SHOULD DISCUSS INTERNATIONAL TRADE (SERIOUSLY)

BP 56 – The Carbon Border Adjustment trilemma

Download Briefing Paper 56 Briefing Paper 56 – May 2021 Emily Lydgate Key Points Introduction The CBA Trilemma CBA proposals – tradeoffs and the trilemma CBAM design decisions and the climate club Conclusion Key points As countries move to achieve net-zero targets there is a risk their industries will relocate to countries where emitting CO2 is cheaper and easier. An option for addressing this so-called carbon leakage, to which the EU has already committed, is applying domestic carbon prices to imported products, or Carbon Border Adjustment (CBA). Both the UK and US are also considering CBA. It’s still unclear how exactly CBA will be designed and the EU Commission will publish a proposal in July. In advance of this, I examine CBA design as a trilemma between the goals of environmental ambition, technical feasibility and fairness. This trilemma means that there is no optimal solution for CBA design, but rather trade-offs between goals. CBA also gives rise to the need for new forms of trade and climate cooperation to determine which other countries or producers have equivalent pricing, and therefore should be exempted. This might mean simply agreeing broad shared aims, such as net-zero targets, or much more [...]

By |2025-12-17T15:34:31+00:0012 May 2021|Comments Off on BP 56 – The Carbon Border Adjustment trilemma

Briefing Paper 56 – THE CARBON BORDER ADJUSTMENT TRILEMMA

In advance of the EU Commission’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism proposal in July, this Briefing Paper offers a conceptual rubric for evaluating CBA design as a policy trilemma between environmental ambition, technical feasibility and fairness. The paper discusses each aspect of the trilemma and outlines potential tradeoffs that may be necessary between reducing emissions, navigating the complexities of calculating charges, and ensuring mechanisms are WTO-compliant and fair to developing countries. The Briefing Paper also argues that CBA also gives rise to the need for new forms of trade and climate cooperation to determine which other countries or producers have equivalent pricing, and therefore should be exempted. The upcoming G7 and COP, both hosted by the UK, provide an opportunity to make progress on these important questions. Read Briefing Paper 56: THE CARBON BORDER ADJUSTMENT TRILEMMA

By |2024-11-20T13:06:19+00:001 May 2021|Briefing Papers|0 Comments

The UK must develop a cross-cutting strategy for trade and climate policy in order to become a world leader in both

3 March 2021 Dr Emily Lydgate is Senior Lecturer in Environmental Law at the University of Sussex, and a Deputy Director of UKTPO. Chloe Anthony is a doctoral researcher at the University of Sussex. This blog was first published on LSE British Politics and Policy. Due to differences in underlying logic, there is much potential for trade and climate policy to conflict. Fundamentally, world trade rules and agreements aim to facilitate the free movement of goods and services, and restrict subsidies that distort trade. Climate policy, on the other hand, aims to support the low-carbon economy and restrict trade in high-carbon goods and services. The UK was the first country to put its climate target into law in 2008; it has met its first two interim targets for emissions reduction and is on course to meet the third in 2022. Yet analysis has shown that the first two emissions targets were met due to changes in accounting methods and the financial crisis, rather than due to effective policymaking. […]

By , |2025-07-18T10:11:23+01:003 March 2021|UK - Non EU, UK- EU|1 Comment

BP 54 – Taking Stock of the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement: Governance, State Subsidies and the Level Playing Field

Download Briefing Paper 54 Briefing Paper 54 – January 2021 Emily Lydgate, Erika Szyszczak, L. Alan Winters, Chloe Anthony Key Points Introduction The Constitutional Structure of the TCA Dispute Settlement The Level Playing Field Subsidies Labour and Environmental Standards Precaution Climate Remedial Measures Rebalancing: Dynamic Alignment in Disguise? Significant Uncertainty What does this imply for the long run? Conclusion Annex Key Points The UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) has a complex bureaucratic structure, at the apex of which is a Partnership Council. The Partnership Council has powers to amend most of the TCA by mutual agreement, and there will be five-yearly reviews of the operation of the TCA. The UK regime for managing subsidies will be very similar to the EU system; the TCA will allow the UK and EU to challenge each other’s subsidies, ultimately referring disputes to arbitration. On labour standards and the environment, the EU and UK have committed not to weaken standards in ways that affect trade or investment and there is a fairly rigorous procedure for addressing violations. In addition, there are highly innovative procedures for rebalancing the trade elements of the TCA (and ultimately cancelling them) if one side changes its [...]

By , , , |2025-12-17T15:31:28+00:0015 January 2021|Comments Off on BP 54 – Taking Stock of the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement: Governance, State Subsidies and the Level Playing Field

Briefing Paper 54 – TAKING STOCK OF THE UK-EU TRADE AND COOPERATION AGREEMENT: GOVERNANCE, STATE SUBSIDIES AND THE LEVEL PLAYING FIELD

The Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) between the UK and the EU came into force on the 1st January 2021. This Briefing Paper considers the governance, subsidies and the level playing field provisions. The analysis reveals that much of the area lies outside the normal dispute settlement procedure and in some cases bespoke procedures replace or supplement it.  There are some innovative clauses concerning procedures to deal with imbalances arising from future labour and environmental policies, and the potential for review of the balance of the entire trade heading,  but these are quite unknown quantities and have the capacity to create perpetual wrangling and bad feeling between the UK and the EU. Read Briefing Paper 54: TAKING STOCK OF THE UK-EU TRADE AND COOPERATION AGREEMENT: GOVERNANCE, STATE SUBSIDIES AND THE LEVEL PLAYING FIELD 

BP 49 – Maintaining the UK internal market for food standards: fragmentation, cooperation or control?

Download Briefing Paper 49 Briefing Paper 49 – November 2020 Emily Lydgate and Chloe Anthony Key Points Introduction The post-Brexit food standards jigsaw Retained EU law: Consolidating power but allowing divergence Common frameworks: Food law made through collaborative effort The Internal Market Bill: Divergence with a twist How do the pieces fit together? Conclusion Footnotes Key points Post-Brexit food standards governance requires piecing together three new processes with very different – even opposite – implications. Retained EU law gives devolved nations independent control over domestic food standards and allows ministers to make new rules in these areas. Common frameworks aim to create harmonised food standards across the UK. The Internal Market Bill (IM Bill) makes it very difficult for devolved nations to restrict or impede imports from other devolved nations. Putting these pieces together provides a picture that is unfavourable to the regulatory and political autonomy of Scotland and Wales. The IM Bill’s market access requirements could override agreed harmonised standards set out in common frameworks, which are cooperative and consultative rather than legislative. The IM Bill also undermines permitted devolution as England’s larger size and market power may make it difficult for devolved nations to maintain different [...]

By , |2025-12-12T16:05:51+00:0020 November 2020|Comments Off on BP 49 – Maintaining the UK internal market for food standards: fragmentation, cooperation or control?

Briefing Paper 49 – MAINTAINING THE UK INTERNAL MARKET FOR FOOD STANDARDS: FRAGMENTATION, COOPERATION OR CONTROL?

The House of Lords are currently debating the controversial Internal Market Bill. In so doing, they are highlighting the ways in which the Bill threatens to undermine the devolution settlement. In this Briefing Paper, Emily Lydgate and Chloe Anthony spell out the issues that the Internal Market Bill raises for the relationship between England, Scotland and Wales in the critical area of food standards. The authors conclude that the overriding outcome is the consolidation of power in the central UK Government, raising significant – and still unresolved – constitutional and trade questions. Read Briefing Paper 49: MAINTAINING THE UK INTERNAL MARKET FOR FOOD STANDARDS: FRAGMENTATION, COOPERATION OR CONTROL?

By , |2024-11-20T13:09:03+00:001 November 2020|Briefing Papers|0 Comments
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